$180 Million Bribe Scandal: How I Paid Out Money to Etete and Others-Jeffrey Tessler
By Wole Arisekola (Dublin)
Corruption walks on four legs in Nigeria and despite government’s effort to combat the malaise through some of its reforms, the reality on the ground is that corruption in Nigeria, especially in the oil and gas sector, is gargantuan. And nothing confirms this more than the on-going monumental revelations coming from the French court in which the central character in the whole saga, Jeffrey Tesler is being tried.
What many Nigerians may not be aware of is that the $180 million LNG bribe issue is already a subject of international inquiry with Nigeria attracting sordid headlines.
But it was a French court which first blew the issue wide open when it launched an inquiry into allegations that one of the firms, KRB, paid $180 million to Nigerian government officials to win contracts for the construction of the first two trains of the Nigeria Liquefied Gas (NLG) Project in the 1990s. This was followed by another probe of the TSKJ consortium by the United States Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) last June.
Halliburton, the big corporation enmeshed in the dirty deal has insisted on its innocence since investigations began last year by both the SEC of US and French authorities, while maintaining that the alleged bribing of Nigerian officials occurred before its acquisition of KBR.
But nobody is buying this marine tale and the Federal Government, on the recommendations of the Offodile Committee has since banned the company from carrying out any work in Nigeria because of its corrupting influence, which has become evident with the on-going trial in France.
But there is a local dimension to the whole ugly drama.
While testifying before the House Committee last week, former Chairman of the NLG denied collecting any dirty money from TSKJ Consortium – believed to have facilitated the bribes to Nigerian officials. Mr. Jeffrey Tessler had at various times advanced Dan Etete, the former Petroleum minister and Alhaji Mohammed Dikko Yusufu, Chairman of the LNG, some money to get the $2.9 billion contract during late General Sanni Abacha’s regime.
The bribery saga, according to Street Journal’s investigations, began in the early nineties when TSKJ, the Portugal-registered company owned jointly by Halliburton’s Kellogg Brown & Root (KRB), Technip SA of France, Eni’s Snampro-getti Netherlands and only recently JGC Corp. of Japan won the contract to build the $1.7 billion train six of the LNG plant.
On face value, their bid was fair and square. But facts now emerging indicate they may have secured the contracts after greasing the palms of several business men, politicians and public officials and that is what is at the root of the current legal tussle in France.
Although the names of several people have come up and many others will yet surface as the investigation and trial progresses, the principal characters appear to be Gilbert Chagouri, the Lebanese business man friend of the late Head of State, General Sani Abacha; former oil Minister, Chief Dan Etete and Abacha himself, as well as Jeffrey Tessler, the British “Consultant” who has only been to Nigeria once in his lifetime yet has been making hundreds of millions in dollars from Nigerian oil since 1977.
It was Tessler who allegedly shared out $180 million dollars to Nigerian politicians, business men and public servants.
There is however insinuation that another principal character could be the United States’ Vice-President, Mr Dick Cheney who is the Chairman of Halliburton group of companies.
Curiously, Halliburton officials had last year complained that the whole bribery investigation in France was targeted at Cheney, who was Chairman and Chief Executive of Halliburton between 1995 and 2000, the period the whole scandal played out.
Incidentally, of all the current investigations into Halliburton and its subsidiaries, the Nigerian case is the only one that covers the period Cheney was running the company and that is why in the US opposition, politicians believes he has questions to answer on the issue.
Perhaps to save Cheney any embarrassment over the scandal, Halliburton had to sack and disown former KRB President, Albert Jack Stanley, who incidentally, was appointed by Cheney into the position in 1998 and another official, William Chaudan because they were said to have facilitated the slush funds for Nigerian officials.
The Nigerian Liquefied Natural Gas company (NLNG) is jointly owned by the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), Shell, Total-Fina-Elf and Agip (D12).
In 1994, according to the court document, NLNG invited interested parties to tender for the construction of two natural gas liquefaction plants (‘trains’) on Bonny Island. Four engineering companies, Technip, Snam Progetti, Kelloggs Brown and Root, and JGC (Japan), formed a joint venture called TSKJ, registered in Madeira, to tender for the work. The consortium was led by Kelloggs Brown and Root. The subsequent bids, concluded in l990 and 2002 were negotiated amicably without public tender with the same partners.
According to Mr Desseilligny, a senior Technip executive, Shell was the operator.
The bids sought were three in number: the first for trains 1 and 2, the second for train 3 and the last, signed in 2002, for train 4.
They were concluded between Nigerian LNG on the one side and on the other, three companies registered in Madeira – TSKJ Servicos, TSKJII Constructoes and LNG Servicos.
The first contract, worth a total of $2.2 billion, was concluded in 1995 (with effect from December 1, 1995). The second was concluded on March 6, 1999 for a total of $1.4 billion. The third was concluded on March 22, 2002 for a total of $1.7 billion.
The bribe distributor, Mr Tessler was also described as the personal legal adviser of many people including businessmen, military officers and politicians in Nigeria while operating as consultant to many firms operating within Nigeria.
The first contract was signed on 20 March 1995 by Mr Tessler (Tristar) and Richard Northmore on a basic sum of $660 million, adjustable according to the size of the main contract.
This contract is not named in the first indictment. The second contract was signed on 18 March 1999 between the same two companies, represented by Mr Kaye (Tristar) and Robert Parker, on a basic figure of $32.5 million. A specific clause stipulates, on pain of cancellation of the contract, that no payment can be made to any third party including government employees, officials, political parties or political campaigns.
This clause was repeated in the contracts that followed. The consultant guaranteed that the principle had been followed with the 1995 contract. And the money was collected as follows:
· $60 million for the first contract (20 March 1995)
· $37.5 million for the second contract (18 March 1999)
· $51 million for the third (24 December 2001)
· $23 million for the fourth (28 June 2002).
French investigators implicated many top Nigerian officials – currently working with NNPC and its subsidiaries – who were at different occasion beneficiary of sums of money ranging between $50,000 to millions of dollars depending on status and relevance to the LNG project.
At the ongoing French police investigations, Mr. Tessler provided a lot of information about the dirty deals in the Nigerian oil and gas sector of which he is an authority, notwithstanding the fact that he has only been in the country once and even that was more than two decades ago.
Curiously, Tessler had his hands in other lucrative oil deals.
He was the same man who fronted for Etete to buy the juicy Block 256 for a mere $8 million from Sherwood Petroleum in January 1999, during the General Abubakar Abdulsalami era.
When President Obasanjo took over three months later and discovered that there were lots of fraudulent activities during the Nigerian military regime, he seized the oil block and sold it to Ocean Energy for $240 million, a decision that did not go down well with former Petroleum Minister Dan Etete, now a subject of litigation.
AS THE INVESTIGATION AND DRAMA CONTINUES, BOTH IN NIGERIA AND FRANCE, NIGERIANS MAY YET HAVE AN IDEA OF WHERE THE OIL REVENUES HAVE BEEN GOING. BUT IN THIS FIRST PART OF OUR SERIES INTO THE SAGA, WE BRING YOU ONE OF THE COURT PROCEEDINGS INVOLVING THE TESTIMONY OF TESSLER AND THE LETTER OF ETIEBET TO THE HOUSE COMMITTEE, WHICH STREET JOURNAL CAN AUTHORITATIVELY REVEAL MAY OPEN OTHER PANDORA BOXES ON THE SCANDAL THAT WILL SHAKE NIGERIA FOR A LONG TIME.
Rue De Varren, Paris, France. In these court proceedings, Jeffrey Tessler, the consultant at the centre of the $180 million bribe scandal involving Halliburton and the NLNG contracts vs French Commissioner of Police, it was revealed how Jeffrey Tessler (JT) paid out money to several Nigerian public officials and politicians.
Prosecutor: Did not the awarding of these concessions granted to MALABU depend on Chief Etete as Petroleum Minister?
JT: I don’t know, but I think he was involved. Judging by the time he took, he certainly wasn’t the only one. Actually when negotiations started, Chief Etete indicated that these concessions would be awarded fairly quickly, and I had absolutely no idea things were going to drag on until 1998. There was also a rather strange clause that we should have talked about last time, saying that the bonus payable to the Government would be $20 million.
Prosecutor: What’s the situation now?
JT: I believe that in 1999 the concession of Block 214 was cancelled, and subsequently awarded to a consortium including EXXON MOBIL, CONOCO-PHILIPS and I think, AGIP.
Concerning Block 245, its award to MALABU was reconfirmed by the new Government (led by Mr Abubakar) in 1999. In 2001, MALABU was again confirmed by Mr Obasanjo as the owner of Parcel 245. Later the Government changed its mind and cancelled the concession made in favour of MALABU. Since that time, there has been an arbitration process involving the new Government and SHELL, which is the new holder of the Parcel.
Chief Etete asked me if I could act on behalf of MALABU in proceedings against the Federal Government and perhaps against SHELL. I refused. It is a rule of mine never to be involved in proceedings against the current Government.
PS: Are you not personally involved in these proceedings owing to the fact that you bought 5 per cent of the shares and are in fact in possession of 40 per cent of the shares in MALABU?
JT: It’s a rule of mine, I don’t want to be involved in litigation against the current government which might turn into litigation of a political type, and in any case, my role as a consultant for TSKJ is more important to me than the investment in MALABU. It would hardly be appropriate for me as a consultant to TSKJ to be involved in litigation of a ‘political’ nature. Between 1999 and 2001 it appeared that Chief Etete was the owner of the whole of MALABU. I had nothing to do with his acquisition of shares from the shareholders who had them. I believe that by 2001, perhaps a year or two earlier, he himself claimed to be the owner of MALABU. This information came from the press.
The Judge: Let us return to the bank accounts used by Mr Etete. Apart from the PAPA account opened in the name of Buzaki Etete, which was credited with $296,542 in the first quarter of 1996, two other accounts opened in the name of Dan Etete were credited with the following payments from the TRISTAR UBP account: $482,795 between July 1996 and February 1997 (Credit Suisse account no. 2300095 in the name of Omoni Amafegha (D319); $500,000 on 10 February 1998 (Banque HOFFMAN account no. 12423 in the name of Omoni Amafegha, under the code name PAPA (D320). Do you contest any of these payments?
TJ: No. My reply is the same as before.
The Judge: That represents nearly half of the $2.5 million. Did you pay any other sums into other accounts in favour of Mr Amafegha, account number (D 311/15)?
JT: I thought I was paying these sums into Mr Amafegha’s account, and that was confirmed when I learned later that Amafegha was listed as a shareholder of MALABU. As I said – and I have tried to be as clear as possible – my belief was that Mr Amafegha was not the same person as Etete. I paid the money into Amafegha’s account, but the account details were supplied to me by Etete.
Prosecutor: Mr. Etete stated on 24/04/2003 (Page D260) that the MALABU Company, of which he was the legal representative, had owned Block 245 since 1997 or 1998. In other words, since when he became Petroleum Minister. Is that the block which you acquired?
JT: MALABU had owned two parcels, Block 214 and Block 245. I think since their concession in mid-1998. The register of shareholders presented to me showed that Mr Amafegha held 30 per cent of MALABU and in fact 70 per cent was held by Alu Mohammed, whom I knew personally.
Alu Mohammed is a relation of another of my clients, Wakili Adamu. Alu Mohammed was Chairman of Bulkship Nigeria Limited and Chairman of the Nigerian Shippers’ Alliance. He was an independent, apolitical businessman. Mr Wakili Adamu had for a while been Chairman of the Chamber of Commerce.
Towards the end of 1998 there was a reorganization of the shareholders, but I still think that Alu Mohammed was the majority shareholder at the end of 1998. In 1999 MALABU lost Parcel 214 but retained Parcel 245, as was reconfirmed in 2001. The discussions I had with Chief Etete concerned the purchase of part of Amafegha’s 30 per cent holding in MALABU. These shares thus included rights over Parcels 214 and 245.
During the discussions I had with Chief Etete in 1995, 1996 and 1997 I was unaware of MALABU as an entity. The object of the discussions was the acquisition of rights and titles to these parcels. I didn’t know how many parcels would be allocated. I thought there would be at least one, but I didn’t know there would be two. So far as I can remember, I paid $2.5 million during 1996 and 1997, but perhaps I didn’t pay the whole of this sum. In return, I received documents transferring 40 per cent of the MALABU shares to me. Today I also hold transfer certificates relinquishing MALABU’s share of the Parcels then known as 214 and 245.
Prosecutor: Are they blank transfer certificates?
JT: No, they’re made out by MALABU to the order of EXXON MOBIL. MALABU sold 40 per cent of its shares to EXXON MOBIL in September or October 1998. I have retained these original documents to protect my investment.
Prosecutor: Why are the shares made out to EXXON MOBIL when the payments were made by TRISTAR?
JT: Only a big company like EXXON MOBIL could develop the project. To the best of my memory, I think I agreed to pay $2.5 million, but it’s possible I haven’t paid the lot.
Prosecutor: Are we really to believe that you can’t remember whether you’ve paid half the sum or all of it?
JT: The figure in my mind is 2.5 million.
Prosecutor: Have you checked since last time?
JT: I can’t verify it in a real or effective way. I don’t know who the beneficiaries are. It is possible that that’s all I paid.
Prosecutor: Can you verify before the next session the exact amount you paid into the accounts whose details were supplied to you by Mr Etete?
JT: I will do my best.
Prosecutor: The TRISTAR account was credited in the first instance, between 27/12/1995 and 1/03/2000, with $59,960,000 in a series of payments from LNG Servicos carrying the reference numbers 5 to 52 (the first few payments having no reference numbers). This total corresponds to the one specified in the first TRTSTAR contract signed on 20/03/1995. Is that correct?
JT: I think there were sixty payments which represent a total of sixty million dollars for Trains 1 and 2. Some payments, I think, credited accounts at UBP Geneva and HSBC Monaco.
Prosecutor: The second contract was signed on 18 March 1999. A whole series of payments were made between 30 March 1999 and 30 June 2000 into the UBP Geneva account carrying references that start at 101 (101 to 117). Do these payments which represent over $15 million correspond to the second contract?
JT: That ought to be the case.
The Judge: If we look at payments 101 to 114 and compare them with the amounts debited to Mr. Stanley’s AMAL, we can see that the percentage stays constant at 3.0769 per cent. How did you decide on that percentage?
JT: I didn’t pay 3 per cent. I believe I paid $380,000.
The Judge: I will rephrase my question. How do you explain the fact that on twelve occasions the amounts retroceded to Mr. Stanley are equivalent to 3.0769 per cent of the payments received from LNG Servicos in execution of the second contract signed on 18 March 1999?
JT: I don’t know why that percentage. I settled on the basis of a systematic percentage. If you multiply 3.0769 by 32.5 you don’t get the amount that I paid. That wasn’t what I paid.
The Judge: Did these payments continue to be made?
JT: No, they stopped in 2000, I believe.
The Judge: Why?
There was no reason to continue them. In the matter of the acquisition of shares, I dealt solely with him. In the matter of the Parcel itself, I had dealings with a large number of people.
The Judge: You never had any dealings with the vendor?
JT: Not directly. The conditions negotiated for these rights and shares were either negotiated by, or suggested by Chief Etete alone.
JT: Because I expected him both to recommend a vendor to me and to recommend me to the vendor.
In what capacity did you approach him?
JT: A lot of people were approaching the Minister at that time to be allocated Parcels, something that would normally have come under his Ministry’s jurisdiction. I couldn’t buy a whole Parcel, but I wanted to own an interest, albeit a minority one, in a company that might get a Parcel allocated to it, because at that time there were a lot of Parcels going to be allocated. They were deep-sea offshore concessions likely to become viable.
Prosecutor: Did it seem normal to you for the Petroleum Minister in person to give the details of a corrupt Swiss numbered account into which you yourself were to make payments in the context of this transaction?
JT: He didn’t make it clear during the initial talks. It was after the discussions and negotiations, which went on for months and during which we met in London, that he gave me the details of that account. I think he gave them to me in London. We also had telephone conversations because we used to talk about a lot of things including fraud, which I was investigating for him.
He told me that the account in the name of Mr Amafegha was the one into which I was to pay funds in intermittent fashion, but later the accounts changed. In the first place he must have given me the details of the account you mention, and in the course of later discussions he gave me the details of other accounts, still in the name of Mr Amafegha.
Prosecutor: When I asked you who had given you this account number, you replied: ‘if it’s the person I’m thinking of but can’t remember, it should be Mr Amafegha’. Why do you now say that it was Chief Etete who gave you the account number?
JT: I’ve never met Mr Amafegha and I thought I was paying these funds to Mr Amafegha. I will try to be perfectly categorical. I always believed that I was paying funds into Mr Amafegha’s account. I believed Mr Amefegha to be a real and very distinct individual. Chief Etete informed me that Mr Amafegha wasn’t him. The details of Mr Amefegha’s account were communicated to me by Chief Etete. The negotiations and discussions that I had concerning the Parcels were always, from the start, with Chief Etete.
Prosecutor: Why didn’t you declare in the previous session that it was Chief Etete who had given you that account number?
JT: Because at the beginning of the discussion you indicated that there would be another meeting.
The Judge: According to Mr Gory, all he knew about TRISTAR and about yourself was what he had been told by Mr Chodan whom we now knows to have been paid by you, Mr Tesler.
JT: I would be surprised if Mr Gory were content to base his opinion on what Mr Chodan might have said to him about the effectiveness of my work and the services provided by TRISTAR since 1994 and between 1995 and 2003. The services provided by TRISTAR after 1995 were, I am sure, well known to all partners in the joint venture, including in particular the opening in 2003 of Trains 1, 2, 3, 4 and 5.
The Judge: Exactly. Mr Gory has clearly explained that the key individual, who represented both KELLOGG and LNG Servicos and managed the interface between TRISTAR and the partners in the joint venture, was Mr. Chodan and no one else.
JT: I can’t speak for Mr. Gory, but I should have thought the successful opening of Trains 1 to 5 would have been the key factor. I believe that TSKJ didn’t just bring me in as a consultant, there were other people. Mr. B. Patel was present at the meetings with TECHNIP and other shareholders, so it’s difficult for me to believe that Mr Chodan was the only conduit leading to my nomination and given details of my work.
Prosecutor: Did you inform other people at KELLOGG, and the other partners, of the fact that you had been paying Mr. Chodan through a Jersey account?
JT: No, I didn’t do that.
JT: I believe that’s Mr. Chodan’s business.
Prosecutor: You paid Mr. Chodan without the knowledge of LNG Servicos and its associates?
JT: It’s absolutely correct that I didn’t inform LNG Servicos.
Prosecutor: For what services did you pay Mr. Chodan?
JT: Mr. Chodan introduced me to more than twenty possible sub-contractors able and perhaps willing to work on the main project and, as was mentioned earlier, I worked with potential and actual sub-contractors on this project for my own greater good. It’s been a nice little earner.
Prosecutor: When we look at the TRISTAR account chronologically (D 305/1) we note that very often the payments made into the account originating from LNG Servicos are followed by regular payments to Mr. Chodan. These payments are not isolated. Very often, a sum equivalent to twice the payment to Mr. Chodan is paid into the AMAL account. Who is the beneficiary of the AMAL account?
JT: I don’t know exactly. I think something like the FIDES TRUST.
Prosecutor: I didn’t ask for the name of a financial establishment or accountant, I asked for the name of the actual beneficiary.
JT: I don’t know.
Prosecutor: You don’t know the name of someone you’re paying twice as much as Mr. Chodan?
JT: I don’t know. I believe that the final recipient of the FIDES TRUST account is Mr. A. J. Stanley. I hesitated to mention it. I wasn’t inclined to disclose it before because of his links with KELLOGGS. Mr. Stanley is a senior executive of KELLOGGS. I had negotiated currency exchange agreements with him between dollars and Naira. I’ve known Mr. Stanley since 1994 – 1995. I think I met him in London around 1994 or 1995 to discuss the LNG programme. He was introduced to me by Mr. Burell and Mr. Chodan. Mr. Burrel is a member of KELLOGG. He had a job similar to Mr. Chodan’s. I think Mr. Burrel is of higher rank than Mr. Chodan. I’ve known Mr. Burrel since the time of NAFCON in 1992-1993. He was already there with the title of Africa Director, Executive Vice-President Middle East and Africa.
Mr. Chodan would have been responsible for a sector in the same area as Mr. Burrel, but on a lower level. I’ve known Mr. Burrel longer than Mr. Chodan. Mr. Stanley is above both of them. He’s Chairman of KELLOGG. I believe that all the company bosses went to Nigeria once a year to meet General Abacha. The purpose of these meetings was to discuss the project’s stage of advancement and the future. I believe they perhaps went twice and saw General Abacha twice. I think on one occasion they had a meeting with Abacha and he didn’t turn up, which caused me a lot of trouble.
Prosecutor: How did you go about arranging these meetings with General Abacha?
JT: It was never me who organized the meetings. I used to talk to the Chief of Staff. I believe at the time it was Mr Abdullahi Mohammed. At first, in 1995 and then in 1996, I managed to organize one of the meetings through Mr. D. Yussufu.
Prosecutor: Was that the same Mr. Yussufu to whom you gave $75,000 in two payments made on 25/02/1997 and 11/08/1998, which we mentioned yesterday?
JT: Yes, it’s the same man.
Prosecutor: What were the links between Mr. Yussufu and General Abacha?
JT: Mr. Yussufu had known General Abacha very well since the time when he occupied a senior post in the police, something we were talking about yesterday. He told me he knew him personally. Mr. Yussufu told us the best way to obtain an audience was by saying that the Consortium ought to write to the Presidency and the President’s office offering to come and see him to talk about the project’s state of advancement and all related matters. I thought I understood what happened. Someone in the joint venture wrote to the Presidency and the President’s office answered giving a date for the meeting. I’m sure Mr. D. Yussufu followed the exchange of letters and made sure the correspondence stayed on the rails. Visits of this sort continued from 1995 to 2003 and the team asked to see the President every three years more or less.
So far as the present Head of State is concerned, I think they saw him in 2002 and these meetings have always been obtained in the same way. I would talk to someone important; I’d ask if it was possible for someone from the joint venture to meet the Head of State. The protocol stayed the same with different people according to the administration in place.
In 2002 for example, I asked the Chief Executive of the NNPC to set up a meeting between the bosses of the joint venture and the Head of State. The meeting took place in 2002. We talked to him about Trains 4 and 5 and the plan for Train 6. I believe there were two meetings in President Abacha’s time and one meeting with his successor Abdulsalami Abubakar and one with President Obasanjo. I seem to remember organizing another meeting with Abubakar in New York, when he was passing through New York and I organized that meeting through the Nigerian Ambassador to the US. That must have happened between June 1998 and June 1999 when all the Heads of State were at the UN.
It was certainly afterwards. The Deputy MD of each of the two firms was also present. There was Mr. Krammer – it is possible Mr. Krammer came to the meeting with Mr. Abubakar. I used to have the photocopies of passports people needed to attend those meetings. Two or three of the companies would be represented each time, as no one really trusted anyone else’s account of the facts. I think that when Mr. Krammer had high-level responsibility for this project at TECHNIP. He used to come to these meetings himself, but I’m not sure he went to the meeting with Mr. Obasanjo
Prosecutor: Did you live in Nigeria?
Prosecutor: Have you been to Nigeria?
JT: Just once, in 1983 or 1985. But I’ve worked with Nigeria permanently since 1977, in fact on a daily basis. At the time by telex, by telephone and Nigerians would come to see me in London on a regular basis. I’ve given advice to Nigerians on all levels. They came to London regularly, it’s a former colony. Hardly a day passes without my seeing one. London’s their second home. In 1956 at Marubeni I had dealings with Mr. Matsuda, Mr Endo and Mr. Tida.
Prosecutor: Why did you pay Mr. Matsuda $1,190,000 in payments made between 1996 and 2000?
JT: He was a sub-consultant. He was my consultant on LNG. He worked for me.
Prosecutor: Why did you on 9/10/1996 immediately repay to Mr. Matsuda $404,000 of the $424,000 you had received on 4/10/1996 from the company that was none other than his employer?
JT: There’s absolutely no connection.
Prosecutor: Weren’t you helping Mr. Matsuda to embezzle $400,000 from the Marubeni company?
JT: No, the two are unconnected.
Prosecutor: Just a fluke?
JT: To the best of my knowledge, I don’t see any link between the two things.
Prosecutor: When Mr. Matsuda got the $404,000, he didn’t know his company had just paid you $424,000? What were the other regular payments to Mr. Matsuda for?
JT: Mr. Matsuda used to go to Nigeria. He used to provide me with intelligence, information on Nigeria and more particularly on the gas and oil sector in Nigeria. He used to send me stuff every day, press articles, on the situation in Nigeria. That lasted four years.
We had agreed on a figure that I would pay over the duration of the contract. The $404,000 was part of the total. I paid an agreed amount, I think it was around a million dollars spread over four years, and I paid in proportion with my revenues.